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Volume 46, Issue 1, Pages 96-107 (January 2009)


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Predicting nurse burnout from demands and resources in three acute care hospitals under different forms of ownership: A cross-sectional questionnaire survey

Niklas HansenCorresponding Author Informationemail address, Magnus Sverke, Katharina Näswall

Received 27 March 2008; received in revised form 5 August 2008; accepted 5 August 2008.

Abstract 

Background

Health care organizations have changed dramatically over the last decades, with hospitals undergoing restructurings and privatizations.

Objectives

The aim of this study is to enhance the understanding of the origin and prevalence of burnout in health care by investigating factors in the psychosocial work environment and comparing three Swedish emergency hospitals with different types of ownership.

Design

A cross-sectional design was used.

Participants

We selected a total sample of 1800 registered nurses from three acute care hospitals, one private for-profit, one private non-profit and one publicly administered. A total of 1102 questionnaires were included in the analyses.

Settings

The examined ownership types were a private for-profit, a private non-profit and a traditional publicly administered hospital. All were situated in the Stockholm region, Sweden.

Methods

Data were collected by questionnaires using validated instruments, in accordance with the Job Demands–Resources Model and Maslach’s Burnout Inventory. Descriptive statistics, correlation analyses, multivariate covariance analyses and multiple regression analyses were conducted.

Results

The results showed that the burnout levels were the highest at the private for-profit hospital and lowest at the publicly administered hospital. However, in contrast to expectations the demands were not higher overall at the for-profit organization or lowest at the public administration unit, and overall, resources were not better in the private for-profit or worse at the publicly administered hospital. Multiple regression analyses showed that several of the demands included were related to higher burnout levels. Job resources were linked to lower burnout levels, but not for all variables.

Conclusions

Profit orientation in health care seems to result in higher burnout levels for registered nurses compared to a publicly administered hospital. In general, demands were more predictive of burnout than resources, and there were only marginal differences in the pattern of predictors across hospitals.

Article Outline

Abstract

1. Introduction

1.1. Burnout

1.2. Job demands and resources in health care

1.3. The significance of the psychosocial work environment for burnout

2. Data and method

2.1. Samples and setting

2.1.1. Private for-profit hospital

2.1.2. Private non-profit hospital

2.1.3. Publicly administered hospital

2.2. Questionnaire

3. Results

3.1. Differences in levels of burnout

3.2. Differences in psychosocial work environment

3.3. Effects of job demands and resources on burnout

4. Discussion

4.1. Methodological considerations

5. Conclusions

Acknowledgment

References

Copyright

What is already known about the topic?


Burnout among health care workers is a widespread phenomenon.

The Job Demands–Resources Model has been shown to be predictive of burnout in health care.

What this paper adds


This study shows that registered nurses working in a private for-profit hospital have higher levels of burnout compared to nurses in a publicly administered hospital. These results indicate that the price of bringing profit into health care may be more exhausted nurses who care less for the patient.

The study points out the role of type of ownership for the development of burnout, indicating an interplay between structural factors, psychosocial work environment and consequences for employee health.

1. Introduction 

return to Article Outline

An international trend that has also spread to Sweden is health care’s alignment to market principles. In line with this trend – sometimes denoted New Public Management (Hood, 1995) – public organizations have adapted to ways of management used in the private sector in order to expose their activity to commercial competition. Besides the publicly administered ownership type, there are both private for-profit and non-profit companies in the health care sector. In general, privatization leads to a change in ownership and aims to enhance an organization’s financial growth (Burke and Cooper, 2000, Zahra et al., 2000). From this point of view, private non-profit type of ownership can be seen as a mix of public administration units and private for-profit hospitals.

In the debate over the benefits of different types of ownership, the focus has been either on financial issues or health care quality, typically ignoring the employees’ work environment and personal well-being. At the same time, research on changes in organizations points to an increased workload with negative impact on employees’ health and well-being—and in the long run on organizations’ profits (Shaw et al., 1993). A longitudinal study by Petterson et al. (2005) on health care employees in Sweden 1994–2001 showed that workload has increased and mental health has worsened under that time period. The researchers’ conclusion was that the health deterioration was due to structural changes in employees’ work. This link is emphasized by a report on a shortage of nurses in the OECD countries and subsequent negative health consequences (OECD, 2005).

Nurses are known to be at high risk for suffering from burnout since their work is a so-called contact occupation with a high workload that includes stressful and emotional interaction with others (Bakker et al., 2000). Despite established knowledge of the link between workload and burnout, there is limited research on the impact of different types of ownership. This may appear strange, since a transformation of a public hospital into a private company by definition entails a change in the organization, which is associated with an increased awareness of efficiency and cost, as well as with new work methods and higher demands on staff. However, earlier research has shown that the transition from a public to a private organization might be experienced as a crucial event in employees’ lives and might result in decreased work satisfaction, leading to worsened mental and physical health (Cunha and Cooper, 2002, Nelson et al., 1995).

Based on the health care sector’s general trend to be more commercial, the purpose of this study is to enhance the understanding of the origin and prevalence of burnout in health care. This is accomplished by investigating factors in the psychosocial work environment and comparing three Swedish emergency hospitals that are under different types of ownership: one private for-profit, one private non-profit and one traditional publicly administered hospital. In Sweden, privatization entails that the ownership becomes private while the financing still, for the most part, comes from public means.

1.1. Burnout 

Burnout is a form of stress reaction in terms of mental exhaustion as a consequence of mental overload. The concept was introduced in 1974 by the psychiatrist Freudenberger, who noticed that health care personnel often suffered from chronic physical fatigue, emotional exhaustion and increased distancing from their patients (Freudenberger, 1974). According to a common definition, burnout is a state of physical, emotional and mental exhaustion as a reaction to emotionally demanding working conditions over a long period of time (Schaufeli and Greenglass, 2001). Although burnout was originally regarded as consisting of three components (Maslach and Jackson, 1981), today it is increasingly seen as consisting of two core components, exhaustion and cynicism (Bakker et al., 2004, Maslach et al., 2001). More recent studies have also shown that the symptoms are generally applicable to other occupational groups besides health care employees (see e.g. Demerouti et al., 2001). As opposed to other health-related problems, such as depression, burnout has turned out to be linked to one’s work situation since the explanations to the syndrome can be found in work relationships rather than internal predispositions (Bakker et al., 2000).

Burnout has several negative consequences for the individual as well as the organization, and in the long run also for society. Besides the personal suffering burnout inflicts in the form of decreased cognitive ability (Bakker et al., 2004), it is linked to diminished job satisfaction, impaired organizational commitment and an increased turnover intention (Lee and Ashforth, 1996). Nurses, whose work tasks include a great deal of stress and emotionally demanding contact with patients, have proven to be an occupational group especially prone to burnout (Demerouti et al., 2000). This will in turn affect their relationship with patients, in the form of less contact and a higher risk of incorrect medical treatment (West et al., 2006).

Despite certain potential negative consequences for the work environment that accompany privatization, a meta-analysis of data at a corporate level from a number of countries indicates performance improvements through more efficient resource use and improved incentive structures within organizations that have been privatized (D’Souza and Megginson, 1999). The same meta-analysis also showed that organizations in industrialized countries that go through privatization normally reduce their number of employees. This could lead to an increased stress level among the staff, which can eventually lead to burnout. It has been shown that burnout among personnel occurs more frequently in connection with restructuring and cutbacks (Burke and Greenglass, 2001, Greenglass and Burke, 2000, Greenglass et al., 2003). There are also indications in Sweden that levels of burnout (exhaustion and cynicism) are higher in private hospitals than in publicly administered ones (Hallberg and Sverke, 2004). Although very little research has been conducted on the differences in burnout levels between the various ownership types, existing studies point to an increased health risk for employees of private for-profit and private non-profit hospitals. Against this background, we formulate the following hypothesis:Hypothesis 1.

Burnout levels in personnel are higher the more commercial the hospital ownership type is.

1.2. Job demands and resources in health care 

The concept of psychosocial work environment refers to the interplay between an employee and the surrounding environment, and has an effect on how the employee feels. Many theories attempt to describe the content of the psychosocial work environment, often emphasizing that the work environment is central to the individual’s motivation, well-being and behavior at work (Hackman and Oldham, 1976, James and Sells, 1981). For the past two decades, Karasek and Theorell’s (1990) Demand–Control Model has been dominant, citing workload and time pressure as the greatest work-related stressors, and control as a protective resource. The model is limited, however, as it begins by specifying what is considered the greatest stressor and the most important defense against stress. The Job Demands–Resources Model is a newer version of Karasek and Theorell’s model, taking it a step further, which has received increased attention of late and has been used a great deal within health care research (Demerouti et al., 2001). Like its predecessor, this model states that stress occurs when there is an imbalance between high job demands and insufficient job resources, but what constitutes the most important job demands and resources depends on the type of work and task, which makes this model more flexible than the former one. According to this theory, demands and resources trigger various processes in an individual. While high job demands over time deplete an employee’s energy, sufficient resources at work lead to a motivation-increasing process (Schaufeli and Bakker, 2004).

Job demands refer to physical, psychological, social or organizational aspects of the work to be performed, which demand physical or mental effort over time (Demerouti et al., 2001). Although this does not automatically imply something negative for an employee, it can often lead to negative reactions like depression, worry or burnout (Schaufeli and Bakker, 2004). Examples of demands at work are workload, role conflict and job insecurity. In an OECD (2005) report, nurses are mentioned as a risk group for which job demands have become greater, which is assumed to affect health negatively.

Resources, on the other hand, refer to the health-protecting factors that have a positive effect on health. Job resources can thus be defined as physical, psychological, social or organizational aspects of work that are functional in achieving work goals, reduce the effect of job demands and their accompanying physical or psychological strain, and stimulate personal development (Demerouti et al., 2001). Common examples of resources at work are job autonomy, goal clarity, work group support, supervisor support, job challenge and feedback. Nurses form a vulnerable group, which despite high job demands and great responsibility has relatively limited power and authority (Bakker et al., 2005), which can indicate a lack of resources.

Although there is empirical support for the assertion that job demands and control over work affect the stress level as well as physical and mental health of health care personnel (Michie et al., 2004, Williams et al., 1998), little knowledge exists about the significance of ownership type for job demands and resources. A Canadian study, however, found that employees within for-profit health care institutions experienced a significantly higher stress level and workload than did employees within non-profit ones (Miles-Tapping, 1992). D’Souza and Megginson’s (1999) meta-analysis showed that productivity seemed to increase with privatization, which implies that job demands should also increase.

Meanwhile, the private for-profit and non-profit types also allow for extended opportunities. Compared to publicly administered hospitals, private hospitals present different possibilities for independent prioritization and formulation of goals, which can reduce the uncertainty and lack of clarity that otherwise characterize health care (Öhrming and Sverke, 2003). Previous research on hospitals as well as institutions within other sectors suggests that private organizations have a more defined leadership and a more genuine commitment to employees and their development (Cunha, 2000, Cunha and Cooper, 2002, Hellgren et al., 2005). Taken together, these differences may create prerequisites for better organizational and social job resources for both the private for-profit and the private non-profit hospital. These arguments led us to propose:Hypothesis 2a.

Levels of job demands are higher the more commercial the hospital is.

Hypothesis 2b.

Levels of job resources are higher the more commercial the hospital is.

1.3. The significance of the psychosocial work environment for burnout 

Previous research has shown that job demands as well as resources seem to be significant for burnout in employees. The model constructed by Demerouti et al. (2001) is based on the assumption that an individual being subjected to growing demands at work along with a lack of resources will experience stress which, if it is long-lasting, can develop into burnout. More specifically, the model assumes that high job demands have a stronger relation with emotional exhaustion while lack of job resources is more related to cynicism (Demerouti et al., 2001). According to the Job Demands–Resources Model, burnout can be described as too-high demands over a longer period of time creating the depletion of an employee’s energy reserve, which ultimately leads to exhaustion. If the job resources are too limited, this leads to a decrease in motivation which makes it more difficult to handle job demands efficiently, with mental withdrawal and indifference as result (Schaufeli and Bakker, 2004).

This model has received empirical support from a number of studies (e.g., Bakker et al., 2004, Demerouti et al., 2001). In a cross-sectional study of nurses, it was shown that workload and resources in the work environment were strongly related to health and well-being, in that subjects’ health declined with high job demands and improved with sufficient job resources (Shamian et al., 2002). Job demands have been shown to play a more important role than job resources in the development of burnout (Lee and Ashforth, 1996, Schaufeli and Bakker, 2004); thus, the following hypotheses can be formulated:Hypothesis 3a.

High job demands are linked to high levels of burnout.

Hypothesis 3b.

The presence of job resources is linked to low levels of burnout.

The Job Demands–Resources Model describes universal processes involved in the development of burnout. Although different ownership types within health care can be expected to be associated with different levels of demands and resources, there is a lack of research investigating whether the significance of demands and resources varies depending on type of ownership. Thus, the existing knowledge in this area does not allow for specific hypotheses on differences between private for-profit, private non-profit and public health care as regards possible effects of demands and resources on burnout. Rather, we examine whether the significance of demands and resources for burnout differs between these various ownership types.

2. Data and method 

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2.1. Samples and setting 

The study is based on cross-sectional data collected in 2001/2002 in Sweden, a country with highly developed work procedures and favorable collective bargaining agreements. A questionnaire was sent to all registered nurses at three acute care hospitals in the Stockholm region, each with its own ownership type: private for-profit, private non-profit and publicly administered, respectively. The hospitals in the present study have been chosen because of their many similarities. First of all, they all are situated in the same region. Secondly, while certain differences in medical specialties exist, the hospitals specialize in the same areas (internal medicine, surgery and orthopedics). Despite these similarities, there are also some differences among the hospitals. For instance, as can be seen from the aggregated productivity data reported in Table 1, the two privatized hospitals, and particularly the for-profit one, are characterized by a somewhat higher productivity and work intensity as compared to the public administration unit, although these statistics do not take into consideration the possibility for so-called case-mix (i.e., the diagnoses that the patients are being treated for).

Table 1.

Ratio comparison between the hospital types regarding productivity and workload (hospital total data from 2002, based only on inpatient, somatic care)

Private for-profitPrivate non-profitPublicly administered
Bed productivity (number of patients/number of beds)82.7472.9071.40
Average treatment time (treatment days/number of patients)3.793.974.17
Utilization of inpatient care (number of days of inpatient care/[number of beds×365])0.860.790.82
Staff per patient ([number of completed full-time job equivalents/number of patients]×1000)43.7856.3075.62
Staff turnover (number of resignations/number of employees)0.290.210.19
2.1.1. Private for-profit hospital 

In 1994, this hospital was transformed from being publicly administered to become Sweden’s first private non-profit hospital, and in 1999 it changed once again to become a private for-profit hospital. Its owner is one of Europe’s largest health service and medical care groups. In the Swedish health care context, privatization mainly comprises a shift in the production aspect while the financing still is provided by public funding. This organizational change was implemented without being accompanied by extensive downsizing (Öhrming and Sverke, 2003). The hospital, which employs 1500 individuals, has 250 beds. A questionnaire was sent to all 513 of the hospital’s nurses, of whom 309 (60%) replied. After internal missing responses were corrected for, the effective sample was 279 individuals. Mean age was 40 years (S.D.=10), average tenure was 6 years (S.D.=8) and the proportion of women was 91%.

2.1.2. Private non-profit hospital 

In 2000, this hospital was transformed from a publicly administered hospital into a private non-profit one. In 2002, the hospital employed 2500 individuals and had 540 beds. A total of 636 out of 921 (69%) registered nurses responded to the questionnaire. The effective sample consisted of 562 individuals with complete data. Mean age was 42 years (S.D.=9), average tenure was 10 years (S.D.=9) and the proportion of women was 97%.

2.1.3. Publicly administered hospital 

This hospital is one of the Stockholm County Council’s six emergency hospitals, as well as one of the country’s largest regional hospitals. About 1200 individuals work at the hospital, which has approximately 250 beds. Of the total 366 registered nurses invited to participate, 296 (81%) answered the questionnaire, 261 of whom had complete data and were included in the effective sample. The participants had a mean age of 43 years (S.D.=11), average tenure was 11 years (S.D.=11) and the proportion of women was 96%.

2.2. Questionnaire 

The variables included in the study are presented in Table 2. The choice of demands (workload, role conflict and job insecurity) and resources (job autonomy, goal clarity, work group support, supervisor support, job challenge and feedback) follows as closely as possible the results of Lee and Ashforth’s (1996) meta-analysis in which demands and resources was found to be most strongly related to the burnout dimensions emotional exhaustion and cynicism. All variables were measured using established scales, each containing multiple items. The response alternatives ranged from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). In the study, we have also taken the background variables organizational tenure and gender into consideration. Table 3 presents descriptive statistics (means and S.D.), reliability estimates (Cronbach’s alpha) and the correlations between all included variables.

Table 2.

List of variables used in the study

VariablesNumber of itemsExample of itemReferences
Job demands
Workload3I often have too much to do in my jobBeehr et al. (1976)
Role conflict5I have to do things that should be done differentlyTranslated and slightly modified version of Rizzo et al. (1970)
Job insecurity10You may be laid off permanentlyAshford et al. (1989)
Job resources
Job autonomy4I can make my own decisions on how to organize my workSverke and Sjöberg (1994), based on Hackman and Oldham (1975) and Walsh et al. (1980)
Goal clarity4I know exactly what is expected of meCombination of items from Rizzo et al. (1970) and Caplan (1971)
Work group support4In my work group we help and support each other in the jobCombinations of items from Nystedt (1992) and a slightly modified version of Taylor and Bowers (1972)
Supervisor support3My boss is considerateEkvall and Arvonen (1994)
Job challenge3I’m learning new things all the time in my jobHellgren et al. (1997)
Feedback3I usually know whether or not my work is satisfactory on this jobHackman and Oldham (1975)
Burnout
Emotional exhaustion9I feel used up at the end of the workdayMaslach et al. (1996)
Cynicism5I worry that this job is hardening me emotionallyMaslach et al. (1996)
Table 3.

Correlations, descriptive statistics and reliability estimates (Cronbach’s alpha; n=1102 for the total sample)

Variables12345678910111213MS.D.Alpha
Demographic variables
1. Organizational tenure 9.169.38
2. Gender (women).08 0.950.22
Job demands
3. Workload−.02.01 3.660.900.76
4. Role conflict−.10−.07.42 2.210.780.71
5. Job insecurity.12−.01.14.35 1.600.570.74
Job resources
6. Job autonomy.15.05−.31−.39−.12 3.320.750.72
7. Goal clarity.11.06−.23−.53−.22.39 4.110.710.73
8. Work group support.08.07−.19−.40−.15.48.42 3.640.750.80
9. Supervisor support.03.07−.14−.31−.14.31.29.37 3.350.710.85
10. Job challenge.06.07.14−.07−.02.30.17.23.12 3.970.740.64
11. Feedback.11.04−.24−.43−.19.49.54.44.46.19 3.211.000.79
Burnout
12. Emotional exhaustion−.06−.01.48.46.21−.38−.35−.32−.19−.06−.34 2.230.730.84
13. Cynicism−.13−.13.18.35.13−.17−.22−.15−.13−.16−.17.461.640.690.74

–, not applicable. The scales range from 1 to 5 for all variables with the exception of tenure (in years) and gender (0=man, 1=woman). For r>.04, p<.05.

3. Results 

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3.1. Differences in levels of burnout 

To examine whether there were differences in burnout between the three types of ownership, a multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) was performed. In order not to overestimate the effect of hospital type, we included two covariates (organizational tenure and gender). Table 4 shows the mean values of emotional exhaustion and cynicism, univariate F-tests and contrast tests between the hospitals. There was a significant multivariate difference in burnout between the different hospitals (F4, 2194=3.89, p=.004). However, while the follow-up univariate test for emotional exhaustion did not indicate any differences between the hospitals, the contrast tests showed that emotional exhaustion was significantly higher at the private for-profit hospital as well as the non-profit hospital compared to the publicly administered one. For cynicism, the univariate test indicated a significant difference, where the contrast tests showed that the private for-profit hospital had higher levels of cynicism than both the publicly administered and private non-profit hospitals. In accordance with Hypothesis 1, these results thus suggest that burnout was highest at the private for-profit hospital and lowest at the publicly administered one. However, it was not possible to statistically determine whether the burnout levels at the private non-profit hospital were significantly different from those of the private for-profit or the publicly administered ones.

Table 4.

Burnout: means, univariate tests, contrast tests and covariate F-tests between the hospital types

Private for-profit (1)Private non-profit (2)Publicly administered (3)Univariate F (d.f.=2, 1102)Contrast testCovariates F-tests (d.f.=1, 1097)
TenureGender
Emotional exhaustion2.282.242.132.743<1, 22.960.00
Cynicism1.791.601.585.29**1>2, 313.05**13.54**

**p<.01.

3.2. Differences in psychosocial work environment 

To examine whether there were differences in work environment between the three ownership types, two additional MANCOVAs were performed, one for job demands and one for job resources. Table 5 shows the mean values of demands and resources for each hospital as well as the follow-up univariate F-tests and contrast tests.

Table 5.

Psychosocial work environment: means, univariate tests, contrast tests and covariate F-tests between the hospital types

Private for-profit (1)Private non-profit (2)Publicly administered (3)Univariate F (d.f.=2, 1097)Contrast testsaCovariates F-tests (d.f.=1, 1097)
TenureGender
Job demands
Workload3.683.783.3718.20**3<1, 20.110.23
Role conflict2.232.222.180.18 9.84**4.75*
Job insecurity1.491.621.675.03**1<2, 312.17**0.78
Job resources
Job autonomy3.243.293.474.56**3>1, 220.18**1.54
Goal clarity4.124.124.090.80 12.90**3.48
Work group support3.623.653.640.12 6.07**4.61*
Supervisor support3.383.403.236.20**3<1, 21.725.08*
Job challenge3.854.004.033.40*1<2, 31.623.21
Feedback3.173.243.180.47 13.06**0.93

*p<.05; **p<.01.

a

Contrast test for differences between hospitals (p<.05).

As regards job demands, a significant multivariate difference was detected between the three hospitals (F6, 2192=8.74, p<.001). The follow-up tests showed that workload was significantly lower at the publicly administered hospital compared to the private for-profit and the private non-profit ones, while the degree of job insecurity was lower at the private for-profit hospital than at the two others. Taken together, this finding provides only partial support for Hypothesis 2a, which predicted that demands would be highest at the private for-profit hospital and lowest at the publicly administered one.

There was also a multivariate difference for job resources between the different ownership types (F12, 2186=3.44, p<.001), but the follow-up tests were contradictory in this case as well. The hospitals did not differ regarding goal clarity, work group support or feedback, but the nurses at the publicly administered hospital reported more job autonomy but less supervisor support than did their colleagues at the two other hospitals. Job challenge was significantly lower at the private for-profit hospital than at the other two. Taken together, the results do not offer unambiguous support for Hypothesis 2b, which stated that resources should be better at a private hospital and worse at a publicly administered one.

3.3. Effects of job demands and resources on burnout 

Multiple regression analysis was used to study the degree to which the two dimensions of burnout (emotional exhaustion and cynicism) can be explained by nurses’ demands and resources. To examine the differences in the effects of job demands and resources between the three hospitals, separate analyses were performed for each hospital. The variables were arranged in three hierarchical steps. In a first step, we controlled for the background variables organizational tenure and gender. The second step contained the job demands (workload, role conflict and job insecurity), while the final step consisted of the job resources (job autonomy, goal clarity, work group support, supervisor support, job challenge and feedback). We also tested whether the effects of demands and resources differed between the hospitals (χ2-difference tests from multiple group analyses in Lisrel 8; Jöreskog and Sörbom, 2001). The results of these analyses are shown in Table 6.

Table 6.

Results from hierarchical multiple regressions predicting emotional exhaustion and cynicism (standardized regression coefficients from the last step in the regression)

PredictorsEmotional exhaustion Cynicism
Private for-profitPrivate non-profitPublicly administeredDifferenceaPrivate for-profitPrivate non-profitPublicly administeredDifferencea
Step 1: Demographic variables
Organizational tenure−.03−.05.11**−.05−.14***−.02
Gender (women)−.00−.00.14***−.06−.09*−.07
ΔR2.01.01*.02* .02.05***.01
Step 2: Job demands
Workload.29***.36***.32*** .08.13**.01
Role conflict.18**.15***.23*** .42***.18***.31****
Job insecurity.07.07*.03 .08.03.04
ΔR2.30***.34***.27*** .21***.09***.07***
Step 3: Job resources
Job autonomy−.10−.13**−.09 .03−.01.09
Goal clarity−.05−.13**.06 .02−.13**.08*
Work group support−.10−.06−.03 .11.01.00
Supervisor support.03−.02.08 −.02−.04.01
Job challenge−.05.00−.04 −.15**−.17***−.11
Feedback−.06−.01−.12 −.02.10−.02
ΔR2.04**.05***.03 .03.04***.02
Model R2.35***.40***.32*** .25***.18***.09**

*p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001.

a

Test of differences in regression coefficient between hospital types (χ2-test with two degrees of freedom).

The first analysis concerns emotional exhaustion. The background factors explained a marginal share of the variance at the publicly administered (2%) and the private non-profit hospital (1%), whereas they were unrelated to exhaustion at the private for-profit hospital. The second step, containing job demand factors, helped explain an additional 27–34%. Workload and role conflict demonstrated relatively strong positive associations with emotional exhaustion at all three hospitals. At the private non-profit hospital, job insecurity was positively related to the criterion, indicating that the more job insecurity the nurses felt, the higher levels of emotional exhaustion they reported. The final step, dealing with job resources, showed no association with exhaustion at the publicly administered hospital, but explained a further 4% and 5% of the variance in emotional exhaustion at the private for-profit and private non-profit hospital, respectively. However, only two resources (job autonomy and goal clarity) showed a significant negative association for nurses at the private non-profit hospital indicating that emotional exhaustion increased when nurses experienced a lower degree of job autonomy and a lower degree of goal clarity. The follow-up χ2-tests showed a significant difference between the hospitals only regarding the magnitude of the effects of organizational tenure and gender. Women and those with longer organizational tenure reported more exhaustion at the publicly administered hospital. In total, the model explained 32–40% of the variance in emotional exhaustion.

As regards cynicism, the background factors explained 5% of the variance at the private non-profit hospital, but were unrelated to cynicism at the other hospitals. The second step, job demands, helped explain 7–21% in addition to the first step. Role conflict had relatively strong positive associations with cynicism at all three hospitals. Additionally, workload related positively to cynicism at the private for-profit hospital, which indicates that cynicism levels were higher among nurses who experienced a higher degree of workload. The final step, concerning job resources, did not add to the explained variance in cynicism at either the private for-profit or the publicly administered hospital, but did explain a further 4% at the private non-profit one. However, only two resources (job challenge and goal clarity) showed significant negative effects in nurses at this hospital. This means that the nurses’ cynicism increased when they experienced a lower degree of job challenge and a lower degree of goal clarity. Finally, job challenge also related negatively to cynicism at the private for-profit hospital, indicating that nurses who did not experience their job as challenging reported higher levels in cynicism. In total, the model explained 12–29% of the variance in cynicism.

Taken together, the results provide partial support for Hypothesis 3a that high job demands are related to burnout, though not for all variables. Hypothesis 3b, that job resources are linked to lower burnout, also received partial support. However, this did not apply to all variables either.

As regards the explorative aim concerning possible patterns in the predictors that can be associated with type of ownership, the results did not generally show any differences in the significance of job demands and resources for burnout, with two exceptions. Among the demands, role conflict had a greater significance for high levels of cynicism at the private for-profit hospital than at the others. Among the resources, clear goals had a greater significance for cynicism at the private non-profit hospital than at the others.

4. Discussion 

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The gradual introduction of private for-profit and non-profit hospitals in Sweden, as well as in other countries, has been conducted based on political motives and under the assumption that more commercial-like conditions would create more efficient health care. As previous research has shown, however, privatization can be experienced as burdensome to personnel, which in turn can lead to mental and physical ill-health (Cunha and Cooper, 2002, Nelson et al., 1995). Against this backdrop, we have examined whether the levels of burnout as well as job demands and resources differ between three hospitals with different types of ownership (private for-profit, private non-profit and publicly administered). We have also investigated how important demands and resources are in the development of burnout.

In accordance with Hypothesis 1, burnout was the highest among nurses at the private for-profit hospital and the lowest at the publicly administered one. On the other hand, the hypothesis that the private non-profit hospital had higher burnout than the publicly administered one was not confirmed. A possible explanation for the difference in burnout between private and public hospitals is that organizations with profit as part of their objectives decrease costs more radically to achieve added value (D’Souza and Megginson, 1999), which wears out staff and results in exhaustion and cynicism.

Although the results indicate a difference in job demands between the hospitals, follow-up tests showed that job demands were generally not higher according to how commercially oriented a hospital was. That workload was higher at the private hospitals than at the publicly administered one is in agreement with previous research (D’Souza and Megginson, 1999, Nelson et al., 1995). On the other hand, job insecurity was shown to be lower at the for-profit hospital than at the two non-profit ones, which contradicts our hypothesis as well as previous research (Mauno and Kinnunen, 2002). This result can be explained by the fact that the previously so “secure” public employee positions have become less secure as the public sector has been substantially trimmed in an attempt to adjust it to the market (Mauno and Kinnunen, 2002). Another explanation is that employees of the private for-profit hospital feel more secure about their jobs because the hospital is considered more modern and able to compete compared to the non-profit hospitals.

No unambiguous answers were found for job resources, which makes it impossible to say whether resources are better under more commercial or public ownership. While job autonomy was higher at the publicly administered hospital, perceptions of a supportive leadership were clearer at the private hospitals. This could imply that private hospitals are more efficient and less bureaucratic, and at the same time have a more clearly defined leadership compared to publicly administered hospitals (Boyne, 2002). While the finding that job challenge was lowest at the private for-profit hospital was contrary to predictions, it does receive support from previous research, which has shown that private organizations are less dedicated to training and development for their employees than are organizations in the public sector (Boyne et al., 1999). However, this is nonetheless surprising considering that previous research on differences in hospital ownership has found that physicians at private non-profit as well as private for-profit hospitals experience greater opportunities for professional development than their colleagues at a publicly administered hospital (Hellgren et al., 2005). It is possible that occupational groups at different hierarchic levels, depending on status and participation, receive different degrees of benefits from privatization (Falkenberg et al., in press).

In accordance with previous research, burnout (both exhaustion and cynicism) was shown to be most explained by job demands, while job resources had less significance (Lee and Ashforth, 1996). Generally, demands and resources had the same significance for burnout at the three different hospitals, with the exception of goal clarity and role conflict. Lack of clear goals was more important in cynicism at the private non-profit hospital compared to the other ones. An interpretation of this is that the most noticeable shift is from a publicly administered to a private organization, which could mean that expectations for clear goals are the greatest among personnel who have taken part in the transition from a publicly administered hospital to a private non-profit one and who, if goal clarity is not present, could react more strongly with a cynical attitude. Conflict between different roles was the most significant for cynicism at the private for-profit hospital, which could be associated with the fact that the organizational changes have been the greatest in this ownership type, with the old work ethic and patient contact seeing competition from an explicit focus on the client and cost consciousness (Cunha, 2000, Geyman, 2004).

4.1. Methodological considerations 

A limitation of this study is its cross-sectional character, which makes it impossible to make statements about direction of causality. In fact, the causal direction could be the reverse, in that a burned-out employee may experience higher job demands and fewer resources (cf. Zapf et al., 1996). Previous research has also shown that nurses with burned-out colleagues experience more burnout themselves (Bakker et al., 2005). To partially cope with this problem in future studies, a longitudinal design, with several measurements over time, is a way to study the direction of the relation. Another limitation is the difficulty establishing that the differences in burnout, demands and resources that did exist were due specifically to type of ownership. Regarding the regression analysis, we have controlled for organizational tenure and gender; however, there are naturally other factors and differences between hospitals that we have not controlled for and that could have contributed to the results. For example, even though the hospitals were recruited from the Stockholm region, it is possible that the our findings are affected by differences in geographical areas and medical specialties which makes it necessary for additional studies comparing ownership types to control for such possible differences. In this study, we have chosen to focus only on registered nurses, as previous research has shown that this group may be the most vulnerable during an ownership change (Falkenberg et al., in press). However, the tests should be replicated in other groups of health care personnel, and the association between job demands, job resources and burnout should be studied within other business sectors that have experienced ownership change.

5. Conclusions 

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In summary, the results nonetheless indicate that burnout was somewhat higher at private for-profit hospital. Previous research suggests that burnout in health care personnel are related to an increase in dissatisfied patients as well as a lower quality of care (Leiter et al., 1998, Taris, 2006, West et al., 2006), which sends a clear signal to hospital management as well as to politicians that they should take this problem seriously. Compared to the private for-profit ownership type, the publicly administered hospital had lower levels of burnout, which suggests a better psychosocial work environment in this respect. However, based on our findings it is not possible to generally state that job demands are higher the more commercially run a hospital is, or that job resources are better with more pronounced business focus. On the contrary, our results suggest that certain demands tend to be higher in one type of ownership and other demands higher in another type, and the same applies to resources. The small differences in job demands and resources between the hospitals can be seen as an expression that, despite everything, there do not seem to be any dramatic differences in work environment between the ownership types. This could be explained by the fact that publicly administered hospitals have already undergone extensive organizational changes that are reminiscent of private organizations in line with the ideas of the New Public Management of an increased efficiency. Furthermore, the version of for-profit privatization that hospitals in Sweden have undergone can be seen as a lighter variation of privatization by which the public authorities still retain relatively great influence in the form of procurement of services, for example, since the financing still comes from public funds. Together, these two circumstances can cause publicly administered and private workplaces to resemble each other in terms of job demands and job resources.

For further research on differences between hospitals with different types of ownership, a valuable addition on the demand side would be the inclusion of emotional demands which, not least in nurses, have been shown to play an important role (Dormann and Zapf, 2004, van Vegchel, 2005). For job resources, recognition is an interesting concept that deserves more attention (Honneth, 1991); for instance, it is plausible that the experience of being appreciated differs between the various ownership types, and that also the consequences for employees’ well-being fluctuate. Studies on what distinguishes organizations with good health care environments would also be valuable contributions (cf. Petterson and Arnetz, 1998).

The transformation of health care towards a greater variation in types of ownership appears to have come to stay, and will likely continue. Although the job demands and resources in this study could not be shown to be unambiguously better or worse at any certain hospital, the results nonetheless indicate that the private for-profit type of ownership was characterized by the highest levels of burnout. Given the premise that burnout is detrimental to individuals’ health, more research is needed on factors that contribute to this state. The present study points out type of ownership as a potential risk factor for developing this kind of stress reaction, indicating the importance of the interplay between structural factors, psychosocial work environment and consequences for health outcomes. Replication studies on the importance of privatization and profit in health care are, therefore, needed and strongly encouraged.

Acknowledgement 

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The research reported in this article has been financed by the Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research.

Conflict of interest: None declared.

Funding: The research was funded by a grant to Magnus Sverke from the Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research.

Ethical approval: This study was not subject to ethical review.

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Department of Psychology, Division of Work and Organizational Psychology, Stockholm University, SE-106 91 Stockholm, Sweden

Corresponding Author InformationCorresponding author.

PII: S0020-7489(08)00211-3

doi:10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2008.08.002


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